EVANS, Gareth John (1944– )
Senator for Victoria, 1978–96 (Australian Labor Party)

Gareth John Evans, the elder child of tram driver Allan Oswald Evans and his wife Phyllis (Phyl), née LeBoeuf, formerly a store manager for Woolworths, was born at Kew, Melbourne, on 5 September 1944. Gareth grew up in Hawthorn, not far from the tram depot where his father worked, before the family moved to Surrey Hills in the 1950s. Evans maintained a life-long connection to the Hawthorn Football Club. He was known to his family and the friends of his youth as Gary and his upbringing was shaped, but not dominated, by the family’s Methodist faith, a lower middle-class environment and his attendance at Hawthorn West Central School, where he stood out as a naturally gifted student who attained high marks without particular effort.

Evans proceeded by scholarships to Melbourne High School, the University of Melbourne and Oxford University. His academic record was outstanding: in his final year at Melbourne High he topped the state in Modern History and won a general exhibition. He studied a combined degree at the University of Melbourne and graduated BA and LLB (Hons), winning the Hearn Exhibition in jurisprudence and sharing the Supreme Court Prize for top law student.

Evans’ interests ranged beyond his studies. At Melbourne High he was an ‘enthusiastic’ Australian Rules footballer, and a member of the debating team. In 1961 he was elected school captain. At the University of Melbourne, as president of the Student Representative Council (1964–66), he led an anti-apartheid protest against a visiting South African rugby union team in 1965, and sold copies of banned publications in the hope (not realised) of testing censorship laws in court. Evans’ Methodist faith had faded by his mid-teens. He was fundamentally attracted to the process and power of reasoning, and was an engaged member of the Rationalist Society at university, as well an enthusiastic advocate of humanism.

After finishing his law articles with a small Melbourne city firm, Evans departed for Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1968, where he studied politics, philosophy and economics, graduating MA with first-class honours in 1970. At Oxford, on 15 January 1969 Evans married Merran Gael Anderson, a mathematics and computing major who had also attended the University of Melbourne, and who went on to an academic career in econometrics and a pro-vice-chancellorship at Monash University. The couple, who would have a daughter and a son, returned to Melbourne in November 1970 and in the following year, Evans became a lecturer in constitutional law at the University of Melbourne.[1]

Evans joined the Australian Labor Party in 1968, not long before leaving for England. He was not attracted to the party until Gough Whitlam became leader in 1967, offering a comprehensive program of reform. Though always a pragmatist, he described himself as a ‘democratic socialist’. Evans was also a firm civil libertarian and served as both an executive member and vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties during the 1970s and early 1980s.

In 1970 Evans joined the Labor Unity faction, and became increasingly involved with party work. After the Whitlam Government was elected in December 1972, he worked as a consultant to federal Labor ministers Gordon Bryant and Lionel Murphy. For Bryant, who was Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Evans drew on his experience as founding treasurer of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service in 1972 to assist in organising Aboriginal legal services nationally. For Murphy, a reformist Attorney-General, Evans worked on a range of matters, including a proposed bill of rights and racial discrimination legislation. As a member of the Australian Law Reform Commission during 1975, he drafted a major report on the safeguarding of civil rights during criminal investigations. Evans gave up lecturing in 1977 to qualify for and briefly practise at the bar but soon sought a political career; he was nevertheless appointed Queen’s Counsel in December 1983. His previous work for the party had secured him the sixth, unwinnable, spot on the Victorian ALP Senate ticket in 1975, but in the following year he was promoted to the top spot on the ticket for the next election, which saw him safely elected at the December 1977 poll. Evans’ Senate term began on 1 July 1978. He was re-elected, in second place on the ticket behind John Button at the double dissolution elections of 1983 and 1987, and from first place on Labor’s Victorian Senate ticket at the 1993 poll.

In the heated political climate of the mid-1970s and the Whitlam dismissal, Evans had not been reserved in his criticism of the Senate. However, rising for his first Senate speech on 23 August 1978, he contended that the role of the Senate lay in ‘careful and effective scrutiny, analysis, testing and review of the legislative and executive initiatives of the government … and occasionally in the initiation of reforming legislative proposals of its own’.[2]

Always a hard worker, Evans positioned himself for future prominence. He was an active participant on Senate committees and was one of two MPs on the assessment panel that chose the winning design for the New Parliament House. Evans’ skill and keen interest in legal reform did not go unnoticed and he was rewarded in 1980 when Caucus elected him to the front bench and the party leader, Bill Hayden, appointed him shadow Attorney-General. He became a strident critic of the cautious Attorney-General, Senator Peter Durack.

In a speech to the Senate in April 1980 Evans outlined a prima facie case that the involvement of the then Chief Justice of the High Court, Sir Garfield Barwick, in the affairs of his family company, Mundroola Pty Ltd: ‘may in all the circumstances have been such as to involve a significant conflict between public duty and private interest and to have constituted behaviour tending to imperil public confidence in the administration of justice’. Drawing on section 72 of the Constitution, which gives Parliament the power to remove a High Court justice on grounds of ‘proved misbehaviour’, Evans moved for the establishment of a select committee to examine Barwick’s conduct. Evans sought to distinguish the subject of the motion from his past criticisms of Barwick over such matters as his role in the 1975 crisis and his rulings on tax avoidance cases, contending that Mundroola was a matter ‘of the utmost gravity’ relating to ‘basic questions of integrity and fitness for judicial office’. Despite praising Evans’ speech and characterising the actions of the Chief Justice as ‘indiscreet’, ‘arrogant’, ‘foolish’ and ‘pompous’, the leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Don Chipp, declined to support the motion on the grounds that the Democrats did not believe it appropriate that a Senate committee investigate the actions of the Chief Justice. The motion was defeated.

In November 1981 Evans introduced the Constitution Alteration (Fixed Term Parliaments) Bill, which he framed as an attempt to eliminate the possibility of the events of the 1975 Whitlam dismissal recurring. He hoped to achieve this end by introducing fixed-term parliaments of three years duration with early elections possible in only very limited circumstances; mandating simultaneous elections for both houses; codifying the powers of the Governor-General; and removing the Senate’s power to block supply and appropriation bills. The bill was eventually agreed to by the Senate in November 1982, with the support of the Australian Democrats, Tasmanian Independent Senator Brian Harradine and six Liberals, but only after Evans had agreed to make significant amendments to the original bill. The bill lapsed upon the dissolution of both Houses prior to the 1983 election.[3]

Labor’s March 1983 election victory was made surer with the late deposition of Hayden as party leader by Bob Hawke, who Evans had supported throughout the leadership machinations of 1982. As the new Attorney-General, Evans was looking forward to carrying through the comprehensive agenda for law reform he had outlined prior to the election, which ranged across four main themes: equal access to the law; protection of fundamental rights and liberties, including the enactment of a bill of rights; adjustments to the law of social and economic change; and improved law reform machinery. Evans had also detailed a number of constitutional reforms he intended to pursue, including fixed-term, four-year parliaments, codification of certain constitutional conventions and the creation of a national court system. However, his short term as the nation’s chief law officer was beset with controversy and his plans for constitutional reform were thwarted by a cabinet with other priorities.

Evans’ travails began barely a month after winning office when he requested the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) to photograph the controversial Gordon-below-Franklin Dam site in Tasmania in order to gather evidence to support an application for a High Court injunction to suspend the Tasmanian Government’s construction work. Evans believed he would be getting a discreet high-altitude pass, but because the RAAF had been told the job was urgent and they did not have a suitable F-111 ready, a Mirage fighter was sent instead. Low clouds meant that the distinctive delta-winged aircraft made numerous low-altitude passes over the site, much to the surprise of onlookers. The story broke a few days later and caused an immediate furore. In a quip to the press Evans said: ‘whatever you do, don’t call me Biggles’. The reference to Captain W. E. Johns’s fictional adventurer pilot stuck as an indelible nickname and cartoonists would long delight in depicting him in a flying helmet, goggles and swirling silk scarf. A few weeks later he exacerbated the situation and highlighted his capacity for self-deprecating humour. At the National Press Club he invoked his so-called ‘streaker’s defence’: ‘It seemed, your worship, like a good idea at the time’. Prime Minister Hawke was angered at the revelation of the flights, and doubts were raised about the soundness of Evans’ political instincts.

In February 1984 the so-called ‘Age Tapes Affair’ erupted. These events resulted from intimations in the Melbourne Age, based on illegally-made New South Wales police telephone recordings, that the former Attorney-General and current High Court Justice, Lionel Murphy, may have engaged in unlawful behaviour. Evans referred the material to the Australian Federal Police, but condemned the illegal telephone interceptions and the Age for its questionable reporting. He argued in the Senate that there were no grounds to establish a select committee to examine the conduct of Justice Murphy because the evidence was ‘material of a very tenuous and very dubious nature’ and that, more fundamentally: ‘there is nothing in the material itself that could sustain any kind of action under section 72 (ii) of the Constitution to remove the judge in question’. Nonetheless the Opposition and the Australian Democrats cooperated to establish a Senate inquiry into the authenticity of the tapes and Murphy’s conduct. The select committee concluded, as Evans had originally argued, that the completeness and authenticity of the recordings could not be established and that it could establish no facts that would constitute misbehaviour under section 72 of the Constitution.

Further allegations of misconduct made against Murphy in evidence given to the Senate inquiry resulted in the establishment of another Senate select committee, followed by two trials, the first of which found Murphy guilty on one charge and acquitted him of a second, while in the second trial, granted after Murphy made a successful appeal, he was acquitted of both charges. A parliamentary commission of inquiry was also established—a procedure suggested by Evans—but it was terminated in 1986 after Murphy became terminally ill.

Although Evans no longer held the post of Attorney-General after the December 1984 election, he continued to represent the Attorney-General in the Senate and debated the Murphy issue over the next two years. He argued that only clear evidence of misbehaviour relating to the performance of judicial duties could lead to the removal of a judge by Parliament. However, four years earlier, in calling for a Senate inquiry into the actions of Sir Garfield Barwick over the Mundroola affair, Evans had quoted Sir Winston Churchill, who had said that judges were required to adopt: ‘A form of life and conduct far more severe and restricted than that of ordinary people … They have to present a continuous aspect of dignity and conduct’. In 1984 Evans did not appreciate having those words recalled by shadow attorney-general Senator Peter Durack.[4]

These struggles might have been balanced by success in achieving the legal reforms Evans had so ardently hoped to enact, but there was too little consolation on this front. Evans did have the satisfaction of winning a landmark case in 1983 when the High Court confirmed the validity of the federal government’s use of the external affairs power to stop the Tasmanian Government building the Gordon-below-Franklin Dam. While he succeeded in establishing the office of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, and introduced changes to family, business and freedom of information laws, his efforts to achieve fixed four-year parliamentary terms and the cherished goal of legislating for a bill of rights foundered in Cabinet.

Although Evans was unable to secure support within his own party for his original fixed-term parliaments proposal, by late 1983 he was still planning for five constitutional referendums to be held in February 1984 to: allow voluntary interchanging of powers between state and federal governments; permit the High Court to offer advisory opinions; remove outmoded provisions of the Constitution; extend the term of the House of Representatives from three to four years; and provide for simultaneous elections of both houses. In December 1983 he sought authority to use additional funds to advance the ‘Yes’ case on each of these questions, while refusing to provide a similar increase for the ‘No’ case, arguing that the ‘No’ case enjoys a natural advantage in any constitutional reform proposal and that extra funding for the ‘Yes’ case was necessary to make the referendum proposals worth pursuing. The Opposition and the Australian Democrats combined to defeat Evans’ proposal. Having announced that the referendums would now not be held in February as originally planned, Evans questioned whether the Opposition and the Democrats had ‘a serious commitment to constitutional reform’. Twelve months later, coinciding with the 1984 election, two referendums were conducted on simultaneous elections and interchange of powers. Both failed. Evans later acknowledged that he ‘misread the [Labor] party’s and government’s enthusiasm for serious legal and constitutional reform’.

Evans also suffered a setback to his personal ambitions during this period. In 1983 the Hawke Government passed legislation to increase the size of the Parliament, and in August 1984 Evans decided to seek preselection for the new House of Representatives seat of Jagajaga created in the subsequent redistribution process. The attempt failed, mostly due to Evans’ failure to gain the upper hand in factional dealings but also due to doubts about his capacity to become an effective grassroots local member rather than a policy-centric senator.[5]

At the December 1984 general election Hawke gained another victory and an opportunity to reshuffle his Cabinet, in the process removing Evans from the Attorney-General’s portfolio. A disheartened Evans became the Minister for Resources and Energy and Minister Assisting the Prime Minister. At his own suggestion, he also became the Minister Assisting the Minister for Foreign Affairs, which offered him a glimmer of hope that he might eventually make a mark in his ‘other great area of interest and ambition’.

Questions about Evans’ personality were perennial. Smart, perceptive about issues and a forceful and valued contributor to Cabinet and parliamentary debate, he was not noted for his ease in social gatherings or political intuition. He took to people intellectually rather than empathetically or emotionally. In his favour, he possessed ‘a fundamental straightforwardness and honesty’, arguing his points with rigour and vigour. The trait most often remarked upon was his explosive temper—countless stories circulated about Evans scolding bureaucrats and advisors. One senior bureaucrat described briefing Evans as ‘like sitting next to a circular saw’. His anger was quick to subside, however, and he did not generally bear grudges.

Having much to learn, Evans took to his new portfolios with typical gusto. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Bill Hayden, was not inclined to make too much use of his junior assistant, but Evans was interested and active enough to make himself Hayden’s heir apparent. In his main portfolio he played a major role in saving the North-West Shelf gas project from collapse and began the deregulation of the Australian oil industry.

Evans’ path to political redemption was marked in February 1987 when he was elected Deputy Leader of the Government in the Senate. After the Hawke Government was returned at the July 1987 election, Evans was appointed Minister for Transport and Communications. This new portfolio put him at the centre of heated party arguments over the privatisation of government-owned enterprises, such as Qantas, Australian Airlines, Australia Post and Telecom. Evans believed that no social purpose was being served in maintaining these bodies in public hands and, noting the large cash injections that the airlines in particular required, he argued for their sale. In the meantime, he initiated the deregulation of the airline industry through abolition of the two-airline policy, to take effect in 1990. Evans also set in train reforms to Telecom and other government enterprises, which required them to operate according to corporate and commercial principles.[6]

The retirement of Bill Hayden enabled Hawke to appoint Evans as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade in September 1988. Evans brought to the foreign affairs portfolio his rationalist liberal and internationalist outlook, a fundamental optimism, his remarkable work ethic and a profound sense that active and independent diplomacy by middle powers such as Australia was possible and indeed desirable.

In a series of speeches delivered early in his term as Minister for Foreign Affairs, Evans outlined his vision of the proper aims of Australian foreign policy. He conceded that the overarching aim of foreign policy must be the ‘protection and advancement of the national interest’ but further defined this interest as falling into three broad categories: geo-political or strategic interests; economic and trade interests; and the pursuit of good international citizenship. While cautious about the need to temper idealism with realism, Evans accorded a high priority to the third category. He believed that by actively pursuing multilateralism, especially through the mechanism of the United Nations (UN) but also via other regional bodies, Australia could further its security and economic interests as well as project basic Australian values on its neighbours. Evans identified the promotion of human rights, the abolition of apartheid, arms control, environmental protection and international aid as obvious ends to be pursued under the banner of good international citizenship. Evans’ time as Foreign Minister coincided with the end of the Cold War, a development he hoped would allow cooperation to replace confrontation as the default approach to security.

In 1990 and 1991 Evans supported Australia’s involvement in UN-sanctioned action against Iraq, following that country’s invasion of Kuwait, culminating in the first Gulf War. For Evans, this was an exercise in internationalism and a ‘crucial test of the world’s hopes’ that with the end of the Cold War, the UN could act effectively to deter aggression. In March 1991 he told the Senate that victory in the Gulf War ‘had been won by the international community, and by the United Nations itself’. In the same year, Evans made a controversial visit to South Africa in the wake of the South African Government’s commitment to abolish apartheid. Evans had always argued robustly for the maintenance of sanctions against South Africa while the apartheid system remained and he did not hide his sympathies for Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress.

One of Evans’ most substantial achievements as foreign minister was his role in brokering a settlement of the conflict in Cambodia. Building on a suggestion made by United States Congressman Stephen Solarz, Evans advocated for the UN to play a major role in a transitional authority to run the country. He believed that this course, if adopted, would resolve an impasse over power-sharing arrangements and the role of the Khmer Rouge in an interim government. Evans announced the initiative to the Senate in November 1989 and, with the support of his department, he undertook nearly two years of intense diplomacy and negotiations. In October 1991 a political settlement of the Cambodian conflict was signed in Paris, under which the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia would supervise and assist in the implementation of the agreement; Australia made a substantial troop commitment and provided the senior military commander. The settlement was successfully implemented and, although imperfect in its results, brought an end to an era of armed conflict in Cambodia and provided an opportunity for political stability. In 1992 US congressman Stephen Solarz nominated Evans for the Nobel Peace Prize for his work on the agreement. [7]

Engagement with Asia remained a key element of Evans’ period as foreign minister in the Hawke-Keating governments. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, an initiative launched by Hawke as a means to promote a free-trade agenda, was brought to fruition in large part by Evans and his department, with Evans chairing the inaugural meeting in Canberra in 1989. Another scheme to create a regional security forum, akin to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, met with opposition from several quarters, including the United States, but laid the groundwork for the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forums in 1994, in which Australia again played a prominent role. The broader effort to position Australia within the East Asian community was handicapped by the opposition of the Malaysian government, led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad, with whom Australia had a difficult relationship.

Evans put much time into the relationship with Indonesia and he worked harmoniously with that country’s foreign minister, Ali Alatas. The results of this cooperation with Indonesia included the 1989 signing of the Timor Gap Treaty, which facilitated the exploration and exploitation of the oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea, and the 1992 institution of the Australia-Indonesia Ministerial Forum. However, the limitations of Australia’s relationship with Indonesia were laid bare by the plight of the East Timorese, who had been under oppressive Indonesian military rule since Portugal abandoned the territory in 1975. The situation in East Timor resonated in Australia, particularly after the Dili Massacre of November 1991. Eight years later, Evans acknowledged that Australia’s ‘inability to move forward the situation in East Timor’ was the greatest disappointment of his time as foreign minister. He also stressed that: ‘we really did do the best we possibly could with the cards that we had at the time’.[8]

In the sphere of domestic politics, Evans was torn by the 1991 Hawke–Keating leadership contest. Although he voted for Hawke during both the June and December Caucus ballots, he in fact believed it was time for Hawke to step down and was a member of a delegation of six ministers that met with Hawke prior to his removal in an unsuccessful attempt to persuade him to resign. After Keating’s victory, Evans continued as foreign minister, shedding the Trade portfolio after the 1993 election. From 1993 he was Leader of the Government in the Senate. In that role, he announced a package of ‘accountability measures’ following the resignation of the Minister for the Environment, Sport and Territories, Ros Kelly MHR, over administrative failures in the allocation of sports grants by her department, and subsequent pressure for a Senate inquiry into the affair. The measures outlined by Evans included updating the Audit Act, strengthening the powers of the Auditor-General, and bringing on for debate the question of the establishment of a register of pecuniary interests of senators. Within a fortnight of Evans’ statement the Senators’ Interests Committee was established to supervise the setting up and maintenance of a pecuniary interests register.

Evans was censured by the Senate three times during his term as Leader of the Government in the Senate, most notably in August 1995 when his remarks about a Western Australian Royal Commission investigating certain actions of Carmen Lawrence during her premiership resulted in him being censured ‘for impugning the integrity’ of the royal commissioner and counsel assisting the commission. At the time, Lawrence was a ministerial colleague of Evans, serving as Minister for Human Services and Health in the Keating Government.

Perhaps Evans’ finest parliamentary moment came in December 1993, when he took responsibility for shepherding the Native Title Bill through the Senate. The bill contained the government’s legislative response to the High Court’s 1992 decision in Mabo and Others v Queensland (No. 2) and was strenuously opposed by the Liberal and National parties, leaving the government to secure the necessary votes from a crossbench composed of Greens, Australian Democrats and an Independent, Tasmanian Senator Brian Harradine. Debate on the bill extended beyond fifty hours and addressed 238 proposed amendments. Evans’ grasp of the technical detail of the legislation and his sheer stamina, both in debate against a determined Opposition and in negotiation with the crossbench, was crucial to securing the bill’s passage.[9]

Evans had long harboured an ambition to move to the High Court and the retirement of Chief Justice Sir Anthony Mason in 1995 appeared to create an opportunity for such a move. Although Keating considered the possibility, he ultimately refused to appoint Evans, who again set his sights on the lower house. He had Keating’s support for the move and gained pre-selection for the seat of Holt in 1994. His Senate career drew to a close in controversy over his failed attempts to amend the Crimes Act to prevent ‘secondary disclosures’ of security information by journalists; while his measured response to the limited but highly unpopular resumption of French nuclear testing in the Pacific was caricatured as ‘appeasement’. He resigned from the Senate on 6 February 1996.

At the March 1996 election Evans won Holt but Labor lost government to the Howard-led Coalition. In the aftermath Evans was elected Deputy Leader of the party and took up the appointment of shadow Treasurer. It was an unhappy time and Evans was largely ineffective against the government: his coining of the term ‘relevance deprivation syndrome’ conveyed his sense of frustration with his new role in Opposition, having spent the previous thirteen years as a senior minister. He scored an apparent coup in 1997 by helping to convince the Leader of the Australian Democrats, Cheryl Kernot, to defect to Labor. This gave the party an immediate boost in the polls and brought a sense of renewal following its defeat, but Kernot, despite winning a marginal lower house seat, was never a comfortable fit in her new party. The event was later reinterpreted, when it became known that she and Evans had been conducting an affair, prior to and after her defection to Labor.

After the 1998 election Evans opted to move to the backbench. He resigned from the House of Representatives in September 1999 to take up an extremely active post-parliamentary career. His work focused primarily on a number of international organisations concerned with arms control and international conflict resolution. As President and Chief Executive Officer of the International Crisis Group (2000–09), he was a key proponent of the concept of ‘the responsibility to protect’—the idea that state sovereignty entails not only power over citizens but also responsibility to protect them, and should this responsibility not be met, international intervention, including preventative action, may be justified. This position emerged from his role as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01). Evans was also co-chair of the International Commission on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). He was appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia in 2001 for services to the Australian Parliament, ‘particularly through advancing Australia’s foreign policy and trade interests’, and a Companion of the Order of Australia in 2012 for ’eminent service in international relations’. From 2010 he served as Chancellor of the Australian National University, and was reappointed to the post for a further three years in 2015.

In valedictories delivered upon Evans’ departure from the House of Representatives, ALP leader Kim Beazley judged that while Evans ‘constantly sought a field of combat in the world of ideas’, he maintained ‘extraordinary mental discipline, exemplified by his development of a conceptual framework for Australian foreign policy’. In Evans’ own valedictory speech, he acknowledged ‘two great obsessions … One has been an intense emotional hostility to racism in all its forms and the second has been a really quite passionate commitment to internationalism as an approach, a habit of mind and a driving strategy for government’. He also regretted that he had not made his move to the House of Representatives earlier: responding to grassroots constituency concerns was a ‘very humanising experience’ which might have made him ‘a more comfortable performer in this place’. For Evans, the lower house ‘never became “home” in the way the Senate had been’.[10]

Jean Bou

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[1] This entry draws throughout on Keith Scott, Gareth Evans, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, NSW, 1999 [Scott]; Monash University, Annual Report 2004, p. 3.

[2] Scott, pp. 53, 58, 59–60, 70, 77–9, 82–3, 91–2, 94–6, 164; CPD, 23 Aug. 1978, pp. 337–41.

[3] Scott, pp. 111–12, 114–15; CPD, 29 April 1980, pp. 1897–925, 1937–9, 1942–3, 11 Nov. 1981, pp. 2032–8, 17 Nov. 1982, pp. 2457–8.

[4] Press Release, Gareth Evans, 23 Feb. 1983; Australian Labor Party, Constitutional Reform, 28 Feb. 1983, pp. 3–5; Scott, pp. 120–2, 135–8; CPD (R), 30 Sept. 1999, p. 11124; CPD, 29 April 1980, p. 1925, 5 March 1984, pp. 370–2, 28 March 1984, pp. 769–74, 24 Aug. 1984, pp. 371–3, 4 Sept. 1984, pp. 415–20.

[5] Scott, pp. 149–77; CPD, 15 Dec. 1983, pp. 3916–18; CT, 15 Dec. 1983, pp. 1–2, 16 Dec. 1983, p. 11; G. Reid and M. Forrest, Australia’s Commonwealth Parliament 1901–1988, MUP, 1989, p. 247; Gareth Evans, Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary, MUP, Carlton, Vic., 2014, pp. 3–4.

[6] Scott, pp. 165, 172–7, 196–9, 202–9; Evans, Inside the Hawke–Keating Government, pp. 26–30.

[7] Scott, pp. 218–20, 262–273, 302–307; Gareth Evans, ‘Australia’s place in the world: the dynamics of foreign policy decision making’, Address to the ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre Bicentennial Conference, 6 Dec. 1988, ‘Foreign Policy and Good International Citizenship’, Canberra, 6 March 1990, ‘The Style of Australian Foreign Policy’, Address to the Fabian Society Remembrance Day Dinner, 10 Nov. 1989, ‘Australia and the United States in the New World Order’, Address to the Sydney Institute-Pacific Forum CSIS Conference, 4 Feb. 1991; CPD, 21 Aug. 1990, pp. 1818–22, 4 Dec. 1990, pp. 4897–902, 21 Jan. 1991, pp. 19–25, 5 March 1991, pp. 1181–4, 17 June 1991, pp. 4641–9, 4664–8, 24 Nov. 1989, pp. 3298–300, 11 Sept. 1990, pp. 2220–2, 6 Dec. 1990, pp. 5164–75; Press Release, Gareth Evans, 23 Oct. 1991; CT, 29 Oct. 1991, p. 2, 5 Oct. 1992, p. 15.

[8] Scott, pp. 256–62, 271–300; CPD (R), 30 Sept. 1999, pp. 11124–30.

[9] Harry Evans & Rosemary Laing (eds), Odgers’ Australian Senate Practice, 13th ed., Department of the Senate, Canberra, 2012, pp. 453–4; CPD, 16 Dec. 1993, pp. 4845–52, 3 March 1994, p. 1454, 31 May 1995, pp. 564–96, 647–60, 30 Aug. 1995, pp. 654–90; Scott, pp. 335–40.

[10] Scott, pp. 330–2, 344–52, 354–5; SMH, 4 July 2002, p. 1; Gareth Evans, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All, Brookings Institution Press, Washington, 2008; CPD (R), 30 Sept. 1999, pp. 11110–13, 11124–30.